Tuesday

Electoralism

Whether I wanted to give voting advice. To write that as social ecologists we should form a front with the Greens and Social Democrats. That was the question I got from someone. I had to think carefully about what I wanted to do with this. I generally think that too many left-wing people have too many expectations of electoralism. Taking part in elections is not something you do lightly and I have already been thinking that for a long time. In specific circumstances and with a well-balanced campaign and electoral program I will welcome it. The key to this lies in the municipality, the local political arena. Of course that does not mean that I just want to give up on other political arenas. I abhor a toxic atmosphere in parliaments for example, and I think that a lot needs to be done to avoid that kind of atmosphere in parliaments.

I have quite a few critical reservations about the Provo movement of the sixties, which in my opinion alienated workers too much and had too many illusions about the qualities of rebellious youth. But what the Provos did understand was that abuse of power in electoral objectives and the results thereof is best avoided. And so the Amsterdam Provos proposed a rotation principle. Elected members of the Amsterdam city council of Provo had to return their seat to the movement after a year, after which another member of Provo could take that seat for a year to represent the interests of the rebellious Provos. Provo did not exist for long and in the mid-sixties only won one seat in Amsterdam. But the successor of Provo called Kabouter had four in the city council of Amsterdam not much later.

As for voting advice: I can imagine that a voting boycott during elections can have its advantages. In a fraudulent, unfair election campaign for example. However, I can also imagine that a voting boycott sometimes does not help at all, or can have an unintended perverse effect.

Friday

Decision-Making Processes

Here you can find an excerpt of a book written by Janet Biehl at the end of the nineties. The book is called Libertarian Municipalism. The Politics of Social Ecology.

Many alternative people, especially those of a libertarian orientation, reject majority rule as a principle for decision-making because after a vote is taken, the view of the majority becomes the established policy for the whole community and thereby gains the force of law to some degree. Inasmuch as the community as a whole must conform to the decision, they argue, quite aside from individual predilections, majority rule is coercive and therefore inconsistent with individual freedom. In this view, as stated by historian Peter Marshall, “the majority has no more right to dictate to the minority, even a minority of one, than the minority’ to the majority.”

The form of decision-making most commonly proposed as an alternative is the process of consensus, which, unlike majority rule, supposedly preserves personal autonomy. In a consensus process, no decision is finalized until every member of the community agrees with it. Even one dissenter can obstruct its passage. Such obstruction is all to the good, these libertarians believe, if the dissenter’s own will differs from the view of the majority—such a person has the unconditional right to veto a decision.

Consensus decision-making has its strong points, and it may well be appropriate for small groups of people who are very familiar with one another. But when larger, heterogeneous groups try to make decisions by consensus, serious problems often arise. By prioritizing the will of the individual, the process allows small minorities, even a minority of one, to thwart decisions that the majority of the community supports. And individuals will dissent, for not every community member will agree with every given decision; nor should they do so. Conflict is endemic to politics, a sine qua non, indeed a circumstance of its existence, and dissenters are (fortunately) ever-present. Some individuals will always feel that a particular decision is not beneficial, either to their own interests or to the public good.

But communities that govern themselves by a consensus process often reach consensus by manipulating dissidents into going along with the majority position, or even coercing them sub rosa, using psychological pressure or making discreet threats. This type of coercion may not happen in public view—it could, and often does, happen outside the scrutiny of assembly. But it would be no less coercive for that, and it would be more pernicious.

When the issue in question comes up for a vote, the coerced or manipulated dissenters tend to let themselves go on public record in favour of the measure, perhaps to avoid offending the majority—despite their strong opposition to it. In that case, their very real dissent is no longer a matter of public record, a respected if failed effort. Indeed, their dissent would be erased as if it had never existed, much to the detriment of the group’s political development.

Alternatively, if dissenters cannot be pressured to change their vote, they may be successfully pressured into declining to vote at all. That is, they may “choose” to withdraw from the decision-making process on that issue—to “stand aside,” in the jargon of the consensus procedure. But this choice, in effect, nullifies the dissenter as a political being. It resolves the problem of dissent essentially by removing the dissenter from the political sphere and eliminating the dissenting view from the forum of ideas.

By insisting on unanimous agreement, consensus either intensifies conflict to the point of fracturing the community, or else it silences dissent altogether. Rather than respect minorities, it mutes them. A far more honourable and morally healthy way of handling dissent is to allow dissidents to vote openly, with high visibility, in accordance with their beliefs, with the prospect of altering the decision in the future and potentially fostering the political development of the community.

In a community where decisions are made by majority rule, the minority does indeed have to conform to the decision of the majority, lest social life disintegrate into a cacophony of fractious individuals. But the minority retains the crucial freedom to try to overturn the decision. It is free to openly and persistently articulate its reasoned disagreements in an orderly manner to the other community members, in order to try to persuade them to reconsider the decision. By dissenting, even passionately, the minority keeps an issue alive and lays the groundwork for altering a bad decision and becoming the majority in its own right, hopefully advancing the political consciousness of the community.

Dissenters will and should always exist in a free society, if it is not to sink into stagnation; at issue here is whether they will have the freedom to express their dissent. Democratic decision-making—by majority rule—assures dissenters of that freedom, inscribing their dissent in the community records as public testimony to their position.